Table 2. A taxonomy of RDM technologies, practices and know-how<\/strong><\/p>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n

The RDM emphasis on cyber-physical systems that can \u2018govern themselves, take preventative or corrective actions without human intervention\u2019 (Harrison et al., 2016) has found a human-friendly front within shared machines shops and the technomyth of digital peer production, with both narratives mutually legitimising the other. Moreover, notions of redistributed manufacturing compliment, formalise, legitimise and augment the institutionalisation process that the fascination of peer production amongst shared machine shops has already begun.<\/p>\n

This marrying is a technologically deterministic institutionalisation process that, on the one hand, has proven a useful mechanism enabling communities of users to take up and co-opt RDM agendas, informing and shaping the understanding of RDM practices held by the funding bodies through participation in its early definition. On the other hand, RDM and its kin narrative \u2018industry 4.0\u2019 sacrifices those cultural and social practices of community production that do not fit within the internet-compatible, digitally-driven techno-normative modes of digitally powered peer production.<\/p>\n

The institutionalisation of community production by and through the wedding of shared machine shops and redistributed manufacturing could be considered as predatory. We position the FMS RDM network as a mediator of this dynamic, delivering a program of work that sought to foreground RDM processes and practices within shared machine shops and to explore, test and validate what relationship between RDM and shared machine shops might be useful, possible, and preferable \u2013 informing both the role of the shared machine shop and the definition of RDM.<\/p>\n

Although the research program was around establishing the roles of future makerspaces in redistributing manufacturing what it delivered in parallel was a program around futuring in makerspaces, questioning the futures presented and promised for makerspaces to date, and valorising and championing a future makerspace (or shared machine shop) that was connected, networked and capable, moving beyond makerspaces as serendipity engines and building them a formal and post-symbolic role within the future redistributed economy. This narrative of redistributed manufacturing and future integration into the manufacturing and policy landscape, had a resonance with a core set of shared machine shops. While many spaces would attend, discuss and participate within the symposiums and events, a core few took their involvement further \u2013 proposing studies, partnering with academics, and reorienting or reframing the activity they already undertook in alignment to the emerging RDM discourse. In this way the programme evolved over time, both in network makeup and in its understanding of what RDM and its enablers within makerspaces was and also what it could and should be.<\/p>\n

FMS RDM allowed shared machine shops to self-select and self-identify as aspiring towards being part of the future distribution of manufacturing. This is not to say many weren\u2019t excluded, the narrative of RDM favored spaces where design decision-making was evidenced as happening, where the aspirations of the makers within them extended beyond the doors of the lab, beyond hacking and making domestically to making, producing and manufacturing at scale. The types of sociotechnical practices valorised by RDM includes those that build upon the digital distribution of product and process data in a way that is compatible with the creation of goods or services \u2013 predictably most often centered around digital fabrication technologies such as CNC, 3D printing, laser cutting, and distributable licensing.<\/p>\n

During the final stages of the FMS RDM project, a final study (known to its participants as the 5×7) was commissioned that took the reports and insights generated by the five feasibility studies and exposed them to the critique and feedback of a panel of makerspaces to establish if the insights and experience were familiar to them, how they could inform the practice of RDM within their makerspace, and if the state of makerspace making and manufacturing practice rang true to their primary experience as makerspace founders, managers and users. This taking place two years after the initial Nesta dataset again set out to elicit written responses from spaces themselves, asking them to self-report the occurrence and relevance of the practices identified within their shared machine shops, and asking them about their aspirations and challenges in adhering, or not, to RDM and the associated peer production digitised processes. The participants in this study were selected based on geographic spread and their varying levels of participation in the FMS RDM network[14]<\/a>.<\/p>\n

When asked explicitly how the RDM agenda applies to their space and its utility, responses varied from highlighting that \u201cthe jargon is exactly what \u2018makerspaces\u2019 run away from,\u201d to \u201c[we] can be said to be naturally adopting the characteristics of a redistributed manufacturing ethos though still in a nascent stage,\u201d through to \u201cthe concept is at the core of what we do\u201d (Corbin, 2018). Even those spaces that did not firmly identify as enabling RDM, did consider themselves to be contributing to a diversification of the manufacturing landscape, \u201cwe\u2019re also already seeding the metropolitan manufacturing ecosystem,\u201d \u201cthis vision fits well with our future goals for [our space] and we hope to become a \u2018hothouse\u2019 for RDM,\u201d \u201c[we] could certainly be described as a dynamic production environment capable of creating customisable or multivariant products\u201d (Corbin, 2018). Certain spaces aligned fully their short-term strategies to that of the RDM agenda, \u201cas we have a research interest we are making-real this prediction. We are excited by the potential of these trends so are steering ourselves towards them as goals and select members who share these aims\u201d (Corbin, 2018). Many recognised their own positioning as champions and purveyors of RDM discourse and demonstration, \u201c[we have] been positioned over the last five years to be at the forefront of this \u2018new\u2019 wave of thinking. We\u2019ve been highly active in propagating that concept and are now recognised as being key stakeholders … in how this will develop over the coming years\u201d (Corbin, 2018). At multiple points RDM was highlighted as a stabilising force for shared machine shops, a raison d’\u00eatre that could take a somewhat fragile business model and provide bread and butter income. For some spaces the research itself provided an income generation strategy, for others the validation of existing practices and a name to hook themselves onto proved useful. To this end, survey evidences how where and when RDM is taken up by a shared machine shop it\u2019s because there has been a significant amount of agency from within the space to make this happen, with members championing the RDM concept. Respondents noted the challenges in aligning a space\u2019s activity in this way, as one put it \u2018difficulty comes from the peripatetic nature of institutional support. We find ourselves moving from one partner’s agenda to the next and losing energy when projects lose funding\u2019 (Corbin, 2018). Therefore, we argue that the adoption of and alignment to the RDM concept is a voluntary and active institutionalisation process, a co-option rather than externally imposed.<\/p>\n

In regard to the institutionalisation of shared machine shops, we would argue that the situation and dynamic is not as binary as many would assume. Who and what sets the course is a multi-actor game. Habitual practices and the evolution of such is a process of co-option directed by multiple stakeholders and thus a combination of multifarious agendas. Yes, RDM as a concept was initially developed by academics, universities and research councils and is now of interest to various governmental departments, but the concept itself in this initial form is only that of a kernel \u2013 a seed of a concept, and one that is far from fully developed. In many ways, the current fluidity and ambiguity in how both shared machine shops and RDM are defined has allowed those actors involved significant agency in the shaping, defining and co-opting of two concepts \u00a0\u2013 evolving the shared narrative over time in step with the maturation of agendas and visions. RDM is brought to life, realised, twisted, redirected, refuted through real-life practice by individuals, groups and organisations in situ, given their own interests and agendas. We therefore argue that in positioning those who run and use shared machine shops as being unaware of and naive to external agendas (unable to push back, reframe, re-appropriate, take advantage of, etc.) is undermining and discrediting those individuals.<\/p>\n

In interrogating the respondents of our study as to how each shared machine shop arrived to an alignment and foci with RDM it became apparent just how \u2018slippery\u2019 shared machine shops are. Respondents reported that the \u201cbiggest challenge is always embedding something into the culture of the space\u201d because there exists an inherent tension within shared machine shops as to \u2018who\u2019 \u2013 if anyone in particular at all \u2013 makes the decisions for a space and its community (Corbin, 2018). The highly decentralised governance and organisation models of most shared machine shops means that the power and influence of any agenda will be limited \u2013 with RDM certainly being no exception to this rule. Decisions as to orientation of the space and its practices are driven by \u201cboth ideological and economic\u201d reasoning, \u201c100% of the direction is set by the members\u2019 interests, and it\u2019s just that some of those interests are \u2018pay the rent\u2019\u201d (Corbin, 2018). Of those spaces that can be evidenced to have taken up the RDM agenda, incorporating it into their operating practices and rhetoric a clear alignment \u2013 both in terms of ambition, sociotechnical practices, and everyday financial incentives \u2013 can be observed. We therefore argue that where RDM is getting taken up by shared machine shop communities it is not out of externalised pressures to do so, but rather it is because there has been a significant amount of agency from within the community itself \u2013 it is a voluntary, active, and co-optional process of institutionalisation. Therefore, we would like to argue against the narrative undercurrent we find within even critical maker discourse, the notion of the makerspace as underdog, subject to the dominant agency and agendas of institutions. We argue this discredits and undermines the agency and influence such spaces and their communities have within the institutionalisation process itself.<\/p>\n

Conclusion<\/strong><\/h2>\n

In many ways, notions of redistributed manufacturing compliment, formalise, legitimise and augment the growing technomyth of digital modes of peer production that surrounds UK shared machine shops. We argue that the institutionalisation of community production by and through the wedding of shared machine shops and redistributed manufacturing should be considered as a process of co-option that is both beneficial and problematic. On the one hand, institutionalisation could mean that the seeds of change are starting to take root and grow. Consider online sharing platforms such as MyMiniFactory and WikiFab, or public\/open copyright licensing models like Creative Commons and the Mozilla Public License reaching the critical mass necessary for them to mature into viable, even mundanely normal, components of the production chain. Imagine informal communal production provisions like shared machine shops, Repair Caf\u00e9s and tool libraries that become embedded in, understood and supported by regulations and policies. Such promising examples could be understood as cases of evolutionary \u2018niches\u2019[15]<\/a> that instigate the restructuring of \u2018regime\u2019[16]<\/a> constellations (Grin et al., 2010; Smith and Raven, 2012). On the other hand however, early signs of such institutionalisation processes could also be a foreshadow of potentially transformative agents being mediated, enfolded and ultimately asphyxiated by the very institutional structures they sought to change. Such examples could be seen as yet another display of incumbent regimes exerting their tendencies towards not systems change, but system stabilisation and reproduction (Geels and Schot, 2007).<\/p>\n

We therefore ask what are the potential impacts of such a co-constitutionary dynamic between shared machine shops, a national RDM agenda, and a growing technomyth of digital peer production? Within his analyses of social movements, Hess applies three hypotheses as a framework for analysing technology- and product- oriented movements (TPMs) \u2013 two of which we feel are pertinent to this discussion. Firstly, the \u2018private-sector symbiosis\u2019 hypothesis postulates that the emphasis on technology and product innovation leads to the articulation of social movement goals with those of inventors, entrepreneurs, and industrial reformers. A cooperative relationship emerges between advocacy organisations that support the alternative technologies\/products and private-sector firms that develop and market alternative technologies (Hess, 2005). This speaks to and compliments the benefits of \u2018collection action framing\u2019 as argued by S\u00f6derberg when he states \u2018it is not obvious which side in a conflict can draw support from a deterministic narrative\u2019 (S\u00f6derberg, 2013, p. 1289). As S\u00f6derberg explains, \u2018collective action framing\u2019 within social movement theory refers to how social movements construct narratives interpreting the world in a way that gives meaning to their struggles. This dynamic recognises the active role of social movements themselves as producers of meaning, not just recipiants of prescribed narratives and myths, but co-constitutors of that meaning-making and narrative framing. Framing can be understood as a process through which spaces of struggle are continually created, contested and transformed (Snow and Benford, 2000), and both RDM and the digital peer production technomyth can be understood as forms of \u2018collective action framing\u2019. As S\u00f6derberg argues, what technological determinism influences is the freedom of maneuver of the political adversary. If a social movement can claim such a position in their collective action frame, then it might contribute to grassroots mobilisation. The collective action we evidenced through the two forms of survey included above showcases elements of how symbiosis with institutions and formal agendas brings legitimacy and visibility to the \u2018grassroots causes\u2019 and motivations of shared machine shops, acting as a stabilising force to enable greater impact and a common ambition.<\/p>\n

While much could be gained, we also need to consider what can be lost through the continued entanglement of the technomyth of digital peer production and RDM agendas within UK shared machine shops. As S\u00f6derberg\u2019s points out, the literature on collective action framing has been criticised for its relative neglect of how pre-existing cultures influence framing processes (S\u00f6derberg, 2013; Hart, 1996). As Plekhanov notes, if we consider how a person who disagrees with the given phenomenon and technomyth may be affected \u2013 it is likely that their energy will be lessened by knowing that their resistance is futile, that they and their practice is something which is less legible and less valorised in the context of an emerging homogenous agenda (Plekhanov, [1898] 1940). We see this evidenced in the decreasing visibility of non-digitised making practices evidenced in both survey analyses. As we argued above, we agree with Wyatt and Maxigas, that the importance of retaining a connection to non-adopters should be seen as crucial to a community preserving its analytical capabilities \u2013 or critical faculties. Without that, spaces and actors within them may quickly lose the sense of agency that Boltanski and Chiapello (2005) deem crucial when closing their work with a call for \u2018sociology against fatalism\u2019 (Boltanksi and Chiapello, 2005, p. 536)[17]<\/a>.<\/p>\n

Using the \u2018incorporation and transformation\u2019 hypothesis within social movement theory, Hess postulates that there is a tendency over time for established industries to absorb the innovations of the TPMs, but in the process they also alter the design of the technologies and products to make them more consistent with existing technologies and with corporate profitability concerns (Hess, 2005). Hess concludes that community demands and development of technologies happen in a private-sector symbiosis <\/em>(Hess, 2005). Even where these movements succeed in pushing a technology to the consumer market, they are recuperated in the process, resulting in \u2018object conflicts\u2019 about their proper design and use (S\u00f6derberg and Delfanti, 2015). The academic and community positions on RDM and the varying adoptions, co-options and rejections of it as a term through the FMS RDM project reflects this pattern of object conflicts \u2013 going from an outside critique of the consequences of modern manufacturing and global supply chains, to a recuperation as a hopeful narrative of future manufacturing and the implementation of such through an entanglement with shared machine shop communities through tests, trials and studies, and ultimately resulting in increased digital legibility and commodification of both the communities of practice involved and RDM as a praxis. Maxigas argues the process of critique, recuperation and implementation entangles technologies and the communities who use them within an endless cycle of commodification resulting in the loss of trust between users and technologies (Maxigas, 2017). This cycle of co-production and co-option presents a dilemma in considering how users could possibly more critically navigate, even infiltrate, such an endless cycle. As Maxigas argues, in his study of technology-oriented and product-oriented movements, understanding the critiques of users within shared machine shops and their recuperation by commodified means is instrumental for mapping the dynamics between political struggles and the technological, cultural and ethical innovation driving the evolution of capital. Without criticality, mediation and conflict between peer production communities and firms remain highly vulnerable to recuperative logics.<\/p>\n

We therefore argue there is a need to retain non-users within peer production communities and a danger of excluding them through the increasingly formalisation and co-institutionalisation of the digital peer production technomyth and RDM agendas. A loss in diversity within shared machine shops could lead to the loss of connection between adopters and non-adopters. Which could, in turn, result in a loss of critical faculties, agency and awareness. Without a diversity of practice and of community, UK shared machine shops (and the peer production communities who use them) are at risk of losing the ability to remain critically engaged and involved within the co-institutionalisation process. The risk of UK shared machine shops aligning with the digital production technomyth and RDM agendas is that the default model becomes an echo chamber of homogenous adoption. Whilst we are not arguing that diverse communities are immune to technological determinism, a diverse community can generate a better position for individuals and groups to be more critical and recognise the broader relationships in the landscape. There is a need for critical friction, to highlight the edges and tensions between this increasingly dominant assemblage of practices and those practices which are less visible, less digitally legible or less valorised. Critical friction is productive, it provides the opportunity for social movements to self-check, self reflect, be critical and question the wider impacts of their practices. We conclude by reiterating the need to deploy a critical lens to the co-institutionalisation of UK shared machine shops and the peer production practices that flow within them to national RDM agendas. Further research is needed in order to assess what is gained and what is lost, and how we can better navigate the process of co-institutionalisation.<\/p>\n

Acknowledgement <\/strong><\/h2>\n

The authors would like to thank the 5×7 participants for taking part in the final study of the Future Makespaces in Redistributed Manufacturing Network – funded by the Engineering and Physical Sciences Research Council (EP\/M017591\/1).<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\u00a0Notes<\/strong><\/h2>\n

[1]<\/a> Following Benkler (2013) and Benkler et al. (2015), we define peer production as a form of Internet-mediated open creation and sharing performed by groups that: set and execute goals in a decentralised manner; harness a diverse range of participant motivations; are particularly non-monetary motivations; and separate governance and management relations from exclusive forms of property and relational contracts (i.e., projects are governed as open commons or common property regimes and organisational governance utilizes combinations of participatory, meritocratic and charismatic, rather than proprietary or contractual, models).<\/p>\n

[2]<\/a> Following Smith et al. (2013) we frame grassroots digital fabrication as the confluence of digital fabrication technologies (e.g. 3D printing, open-source and web-based design tools, electronic kits, computer controlled milling machines and laser cutters), new business models (e.g. \u2018personalised manufacturing\u2019), and grassroots movements (e.g. \u2018makerspace\u2019 community workshops).<\/p>\n

[3]<\/a> Such as Gershenfeld, 2012; Hielscher and\u00a0Smith, 2014; Journal of Peer Production, 2014; Richterich and Wenz, 2017; University Arts London, 2017.<\/p>\n

[4]<\/a> Such as Anderson, 2012; Morin, 2013; Hagel, J. et al., 2014; Hatch, 2014; Banerjee, 2015.<\/p>\n

[5]<\/a> The dataset was commissioned by an open tendering process in 2014 by UK think tank Nesta (National Endowment for Science, Technology and the Arts). Researchers Andrew Sleigh and Hannah Stewart, both researchers with a personal background within the UK makerspace scene, undertook the work over a period of four months. This consisted of defining the fields or data desired into appropriate questions, aggregating known locations of spaces through desk based research and \u2018snowballing\u2019 the survey through social media and their own networks. The method for the dataset\u2019s framing and the research approach was documented through a series of blog posts on the Nesta website (Sleigh, Stewart, and Stokes, 2015), and both the list of questions and an initial dataset were released as a public beta, evolving in response to community suggestions. The resulting dataset contains validated details of 97 spaces, with spaces primarily discursively representing themselves. The definition of makerspace established by the commissioner and researchers specifically excluded private workshops and studios, and defined it as an \u201copen access space (free or paid), with facilities for different practices, where anyone can come and make something\u201d.<\/p>\n

[6]<\/a> For example, East London Printmakers, London Print Studio, and Spike Print Studio.<\/p>\n

[7]<\/a> For example, London Bike Kitchen, Bike Works, and Access Bike.<\/p>\n

[8]<\/a> For example, London Sculpture Workshop, Glasgow Sculpture Studios, and Cyan Clayworks.<\/p>\n

[9]<\/a> For example, Blackhorse Workshop, Building BloQs, and Makers Quarter.<\/p>\n

[10]<\/a> Following Boltanski and Chiapello (2005), Maxigas defines \u2018critique\u2019 as the unmasking of the hermeneutic contradiction between the meaning of institutions and how they work in practice, making it possible to challenge the reality of reality (Maxigas, 2017). Maxigas then defines \u2018recuperation\u2019 as a cyclical logic in capitalism; whereby on the one hand, critique is absorbed into capitalist ideology and practice, and on the other, things that were previously not part of the capital accumulation process start to be valorised. In this way, capitalism answers to critique through restructuring in a way that simultaneously implements, but also neutralises and eventually undermines that critique (Maxigas, 2017).<\/p>\n

[11]<\/a> EPSRC is the UK government agency responsible for funding research and training in the areas of engineering and physical sciences. The RDM networks are part of the EPSRC\u2019s funding theme area of the Future of Manufacturing.<\/p>\n

[12]<\/a> The remit of these two-year funded networks, included; advancing thinking around end user involvement and interest in RDM, supporting feasibility studies and actively seeking contributions from a range of experts and disciplines.<\/p>\n

[13]<\/a> Future Makespaces in Redistributed Manufacturing was an EPSRC funded RDM network facilitated by Design Products at the Royal College of Art. This hub specifically explored the possible roles of makespaces, and other similar informal sites of manufacturing could play within a future redistributed manufacturing landscape.<\/p>\n

[14]<\/a> Our analysis of the Nesta dataset used the prominence of practices evidenced through the discursive response to demonstrate the emerging dominance of a set of peer production practices aligned to the technomyth. This later study with curated participants evidences the extent to which spaces legitimise their practices in a manner that is adherent or counter to both the technomyth and RDM agenda. Given the rich data provided by each participants, we have chosen to again use a discourse to analyse the prominence of a variety of perspectives and practices.<\/p>\n

[15]<\/a> Niches have been conceptualized as protected spaces, i.e., specific markets or application domains, in which radical innovations can develop without being subject to the selection pressure of the prevailing regime (Kemp et al., 1998).<\/p>\n

[16]<\/a> In keeping with Kemp et al., we define regime as \u201cthe whole complex system of knowledges, practices, processes, technologies, characteristics, skills and procedures, and institutions and infrastructures that make up the totality of a technology\u201d (Kemp et al., 1998, p. 182).<\/p>\n

[17]<\/a> For as Boltanski and Chiapello highlight, \u201cas a century and a half of the critique of capitalism has demonstrated, the two critiques – the social and the artistic – are at once contradictory on many points and inseparable, in the sense that, stressing different aspects of the human condition, they mutually balance and limit one another. It is by keeping both alive that we can hope to confront the destruction caused by capitalism, while avoiding the excesses that each of them risks inducing when it is given exclusive expression, and not tempered by the presence of the other\u201d (Boltanski and Chiapello, 2005, p. 563).<\/p>\n

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 <\/p>\n\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

by Liz Corbin & Hannah Stewart Open as PDF Introduction The convergence of emergent digitally-connected technologies and peer production practices has led to aspirations of post-industrial production practices whereby information on how things are made travels globally, whilst the physical production of things can occur locally, on-demand. At the same<\/p>\n

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